Students and Teachers of US History this is a video of Christopher and Stanley Klos presenting America's Four United Republics Curriculum at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. The December 2015 video was an impromptu capture by a member of the audience of Penn students, professors and guests that numbered about 200.
John Adams, the second president of the United States, was born on October 31, 1735, in what is now Quincy, Massachusetts, originally part of Braintree. He died there on July 4, 1826. His great-grandfather, Henry Adams, had immigrated from Devonshire, England, to Massachusetts in 1636, receiving a 40-acre land grant in Braintree. John Adams was the eldest son of John Adams Sr., a selectman of Braintree and deacon of the church, and Susanna Boylston, the daughter of Peter Boylston of Brookline. Upon his father's death in 1760, his estate was valued at £1,330 9s. 6d., a sum considered moderately prosperous at the time.
It was a family tradition to send the eldest son to college, so John Adams graduated from Harvard in 1755. Prior to 1773, Harvard graduates were ranked by their parents' social standing rather than academic merit, and Adams ranked fourteenth out of a class of 24. One of his classmates was John Wentworth, who later became the royal governor of New Hampshire and Nova Scotia. After graduation, Adams taught at a grammar school in Worcester while deciding on his future profession.
During this time, the rivalry between France and England erupted into the French and Indian War. Adams followed the conflict closely, predicting that once the "turbulent Gauls" were defeated, the American colonies would grow in strength and, within a century, surpass Britain in population, making them unconquerable by Europe.
Adams’ family had hoped he would enter the clergy, but he soon realized his beliefs did not align with the prevailing religious expectations. Accused of Arminianism, he accepted the label and later leaned toward Unitarianism, expressing skepticism of dogmatic Christianity. Rejecting the ministry, he turned to law, beginning his legal studies in Worcester. Despite a regional prejudice against lawyers, the profession was thriving due to the litigious nature of the New England people. In 1758, Adams began practicing law in Suffolk County, residing in Braintree.
Abigail Smith Adams
When the Stamp Act passed in 1765, Adams played a leading role in opposing it. At a town meeting in Braintree, he introduced resolutions that were adopted by over 40 other Massachusetts towns. Defying the Act, the people refused to use the required stamps, and lower courts continued functioning without them, with judges and lawyers turning a blind eye. However, the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice Thomas Hutchinson, refused to conduct business without stamps, leading to a significant disruption. In response, the town of Boston submitted a memorial to the governor and council, requesting the court to overlook the absence of stamps. Adams was unexpectedly chosen, alongside Jeremiah Gridley and James Otis, to represent Boston in this case. In his opening argument, Adams boldly declared the Stamp Act null and void, arguing that no taxation law passed without colonial representation in Parliament could be binding in America. Though the governor and council refused to act, the subsequent repeal of the Stamp Act temporarily eased tensions.
Around this time, Adams began contributing articles to the Boston Gazette. Four of these, addressing the constitutional rights of New Englanders, were later republished under the intriguing title, An Essay on the Canon and Feudal Law. By 1768, after a decade of legal practice, Adams’s business had flourished, prompting him to move to Boston. That same year, Massachusetts Attorney General Jonathan Sewall offered him the lucrative position of advocate-general in the admiralty court. This offer, a thinly veiled attempt to compromise Adams by aligning him with the crown’s policies, was part of a larger strategy employed by Governors Bernard and Hutchinson to neutralize opposition. However, Adams saw through the tactic and firmly rejected the offer, refusing to be swayed by the promise of financial gain.
In 1770, John Adams began the first of the significant acts that would define his illustrious career. Amid the uproar following the "Boston Massacre," he served as defense counsel for Captain Preston and his seven soldiers, who were charged with murder. Assisted by his friend and kinsman, Josiah Quincy, Adams took on the unpopular task of defending these men, a decision that showcased his moral courage. The trial was postponed for seven months to allow the public’s anger to subside, and the eventual verdict saw Preston and five soldiers acquitted, while two were found guilty of manslaughter and branded on the hand with a hot iron. Despite the fairness of the verdict, Adams received no thanks from the ungrateful Captain Preston. For his services, he was paid 19 guineas, but the real reward came in June 1770, when Boston, recognizing his integrity, elected him to the legislature, even before the trial took place.
Adams quickly became a leading legal advisor to the patriot cause, second only to figures like Samuel Adams, Hancock, and Warren. His legal counsel was invaluable in disputes with Governor Hutchinson. In 1772, Adams wrote a series of influential articles in response to a British decision to pay Massachusetts judges directly from the crown, which threatened the judiciary’s independence. His articles, later republished in his collected works, stirred outrage throughout the colonies. Around the same time, Adams was elected to the Massachusetts council, though Governor Hutchinson negated the appointment.
In 1774, Parliament passed a series of punitive measures, including the Boston Port Bill, which led to the convening of the First Continental Congress. Adams was selected as one of Massachusetts' five delegates and played a key role, drafting resolutions on colonial rights. His diary and letters from this period offer a vivid portrayal of the proceedings. Upon returning to Braintree, he was elected to the revolutionary Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, which had already begun organizing an army and seizing colonial revenues. During the winter of 1774-1775, Adams engaged in a written debate with loyalist Daniel Leonard, who published under the pseudonym "Massachusetts." Adams responded with a series of essays in the Boston Gazette under the pseudonym "Novanglus," forcefully arguing for the colonies' rights. These essays, published just before the Battle of Lexington, later appeared in the fourth volume of his collected works.
At the Second Continental Congress, which convened on May 10, 1775, Adams played a pivotal role. He and his cousin Samuel Adams were among the few who believed reconciliation with Britain was no longer possible. Understanding the need to unite the colonies, Adams proposed that George Washington lead the newly formed Continental Army, a strategic move that brought Virginia—and its influence—into the fold. Although Adams later questioned his decision, especially during the war's darker moments, the choice proved to be crucial to the success of the revolution.
During the Congress' summer recess, Adams served on the Massachusetts Council, which declared the office of governor vacant and assumed executive authority. Adams was appointed chief justice under the new provisional government, though his duties in the Continental Congress prevented him from taking his seat. Known for his outspokenness, Adams occasionally landed in hot water, particularly after a confidential letter, in which he disparaged John Dickinson and the moderate faction, was intercepted and published by the British, leading to a feud with Dickinson and damaging Adams’ popularity in Philadelphia.
In the autumn session of Congress, Adams, as part of a committee to outfit cruisers, drafted regulations that would form the foundation of the American naval code. As various colonies began seeking advice on forming new governments, Adams pushed Congress to recommend the establishment of governments based on popular suffrage. Around this time, he also published his influential pamphlet, Thoughts on Government, Applicable to the Present State of the American Colonies, advocating for republican government.
By spring 1776, the push for independence was growing. On May 15, Adams successfully passed a resolution urging the colonies to form independent governments, stating that no one could in good conscience support a government under the crown. This resolution, hotly debated, marked a turning point, as it implicitly called for independence. When the resolution passed, Adams declared, "the Gordian knot is cut." On June 7, Richard Henry Lee moved for independence, seconded by Adams. Though the motion was delayed for three weeks to allow undecided colonies time to declare their stance, Adams was instrumental in the debates that followed. Thomas Jefferson later called him "the colossus of that debate." His leadership in securing the Declaration of Independence marked the third major milestone of his career.
On June 12, Congress established a Board of War and Ordnance, with Adams as its chairman, where he served until after Burgoyne's surrender. After the Battle of Long Island, Lord Howe sought peace negotiations with Congress. Although Adams opposed the conference, derisively calling General Sullivan, the messenger, a "decoy duck," Congress allowed the meeting to proceed, and Adams was chosen as a commissioner alongside Franklin and Rutledge.
By late 1777, Adams was appointed to replace Silas Deane as commissioner to France. He set sail on February 12, 1778, enduring a perilous journey to Bordeaux, narrowly escaping British capture. Upon arriving in Paris on April 8, Adams found the American commissioners in disarray, with one involved in questionable financial dealings and public accounts poorly managed. He immediately set to work to rectify the situation, facing the challenge of navigating international diplomacy amid ongoing conflict.
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| John Adams |
John Adams, known for his meticulous and methodical work habits, was appalled by the chaotic state of affairs he found in Paris. Determined to restore order, he took charge and swiftly ended the confusion. He also recommended that U.S. representation at the French court be managed by a single minister rather than three commissioners. Following his advice, Benjamin Franklin remained in Paris, Arthur Lee was sent to Madrid, and Adams, left without official instructions, returned to America, arriving in Boston on August 2, 1779.
During his time in France, Adams developed a theory of Britain’s decline, which reflected the French view at the time. He noted that England was "running toward ruin," having lost its wealth and power with the American colonies. Such notions were widespread in Europe, and many in Britain feared similar calamities if the Americans succeeded.
Upon his return, Adams was chosen as a delegate from Braintree to the Massachusetts constitutional convention. Before the convention’s work was complete, however, he was appointed commissioner to negotiate peace with Britain and sailed back to France. Though peace negotiations were delayed by Lord North’s government, Adams’s relationship with the French foreign minister, Count Vergennes, deteriorated. Vergennes feared that a reconciliation between Britain and the U.S. might thwart France’s hopes of weakening Britain. Adams, on the other hand, correctly suspected Vergennes intended to sacrifice American interests, particularly concerning the Newfoundland fisheries and western territories, to benefit Spain, with whom France was allied.
Adams’s sharp insights into France’s self-serving motives would later prove invaluable in the negotiations of the 1783 Treaty of Paris. However, at this time, his blunt manner caused tensions with both Vergennes and Franklin, whom Adams believed was too aligned with French interests. Despite the initial excitement Parisian society had upon his arrival, mistaking him for "the famous Mr. Adams" who defied King George III at the Boston Tea Party, interest quickly waned when they realized he was not that Adams, but rather his cousin.
In the summer of 1780, Adams was tasked by Congress with securing a loan from the Dutch. To inform the Dutch about the American cause, he published a series of articles in the Leyden Gazette and La politique hollandaise, along with Twenty-Six Letters on Interesting Subjects Respecting the Revolution in America, later reprinted in his collected works. Shortly after Adams arrived in Holland, Britain declared war on the Dutch, ostensibly over a proposed treaty of commerce between the United States and Amsterdam’s burgomaster, Henry Laurens. In reality, the war was due to Holland joining the armed neutrality league led by Empress Catherine of Russia to protect neutral nations' commerce.
After Laurens was captured and imprisoned by the British, Adams was appointed as the U.S. minister to Holland. His first duty was to sign the armed neutrality articles on behalf of the United States. Before Adams could make further progress, he was called back to Paris in July 1781 for potential peace negotiations with Britain. However, these negotiations were thwarted by Lord North’s government, and Adams returned to Holland.
Adams faced considerable opposition from Vergennes, who did not want the Americans to form alliances outside of France. However, Adams was determined to secure Dutch recognition of American independence. Using his direct, Napoleonic approach to diplomacy, Adams confronted the French ambassador at The Hague, the Duke de la Vauguyon, accusing him of obstructing the negotiations. The Duke, realizing Adams would not be swayed, eventually cooperated to save face.
By November 1781, the tide had turned in Adams’s favor, following the surrender of Cornwallis and the Dutch anger over the British plundering of St. Eustatius. Adams persisted in his efforts, personally visiting representatives of the Dutch cities and demanding a direct answer to his petition for recognition. On April 19, 1782, the Dutch formally recognized U.S. independence. This success was swiftly followed by a $2 million Dutch loan and the signing of a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States on October 7, 1782.
Adams considered his diplomatic victory in Holland the greatest triumph of his life, writing, “I have planted the American standard at The Hague. There let it wave in triumph over British pride.” Shortly after this success, Adams was recalled to Paris to begin formal peace negotiations with Britain. These negotiations, led by Franklin and British envoy Richard Oswald, had already brought down one British ministry and were moving slowly amid diplomatic complications.
The French were allied with both Spain and the United States, yet their treaty obligations to each conflicted. Spain’s hostility toward the U.S. was well known, and France, more sympathetic to Spain, sought to favor its interests over America’s. The British government, on the other hand, was willing to make concessions to the U.S. in order to thwart French ambitions.
John Jay, who joined Adams and Franklin in Paris, was the first to suspect French duplicity. When he learned that France was sending a secret emissary to Britain and opposing American claims to the Mississippi Valley and Newfoundland fisheries, he initiated separate negotiations with Britain, without consulting Franklin. Adams, arriving in October 1782, agreed with Jay, and together they bypassed Vergennes, pursuing negotiations directly with Britain. Adams’s bluntness again came into play when he delayed informing Vergennes of his arrival and openly criticized monarchies and republics in a manner the French found rude.
In the resulting Treaty of Paris (1783), the U.S. secured all its key demands: recognition of independence, access to the Mississippi River, and rights to the Newfoundland fisheries. The Americans, led by Adams and Jay, also refused British demands for compensation to loyalists, agreeing only to recommend to the states that loyalist property be reconsidered. The treaty was a diplomatic triumph, largely due to Adams and Jay’s bold decision to disregard Congress’s instructions to defer to the French minister. This treaty marked the fifth major achievement in Adams’s career.
Despite this success, Adams grew homesick and requested to resign his commissions. However, Congress soon tasked him with negotiating a commercial treaty with Britain. Though plagued by illness, he visited London and Bath before being called back to Holland. There, Adams faced another financial crisis as Congress’s inability to raise funds left him scrambling to secure a Dutch loan to cover drafts amounting to over a million florins.
After securing the funds, Adams was appointed to negotiate commercial treaties with foreign nations. His return to America delayed once again, he reunited with his family in France. In 1785, he was appointed the first U.S. minister to Britain. Although initially received with politeness by King George III, Adams’s time in London was marked by increasing hostility. The American government, struggling under the Articles of Confederation, failed to meet its treaty obligations, particularly concerning debts to British creditors and the protection of loyalists. In retaliation, Britain refused to surrender western forts or negotiate a commercial treaty. European observers, including King George, believed that the American government was on the verge of collapse and that the former colonies might soon return to British rule.
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| Treaty of Paris 1783 |
During John Adams's tenure as U.S. minister to England, he found it impossible to achieve much, given the British government's intransigence. While there, he wrote Defense of the American Constitutions, a work that later led to baseless accusations of monarchical and anti-republican sympathies. The book aimed to highlight the advantages of dividing governmental powers, particularly advocating for a bicameral legislature in contrast to the single-chamber system favored by some European thinkers. However, the argument was somewhat bogged down by lengthy and occasionally tangential discussions on the history of the Italian republics. Frustrated with Britain's obstinance, Adams requested to be recalled, and Congress granted his request in February 1788. In recognition of his "patriotism, perseverance, integrity, and diligence" over a decade of foreign service, Adams received public thanks from Congress.
Upon returning home, Adams was quickly elected as a delegate to the Continental Congress from Massachusetts, but the body dissolved before he could take his seat. By the summer of 1788, the ratification of the new U.S. Constitution was nearly complete, and attention shifted to organizing the new government. With George Washington unanimously chosen as president, it was natural for the vice presidency to go to a prominent figure from Massachusetts. At that time, electors cast votes without distinguishing between president and vice president, and the candidate with the second-highest number of votes became vice president. Adams received 34 of the 69 electoral votes, second only to Washington, though he was somewhat disappointed by the clear preference for Washington.
Adams’s vanity made him feel undervalued compared to Washington, especially as he struggled to fully appreciate the significance of Washington’s military leadership compared to his own political and diplomatic efforts. The office of vice president, while more esteemed then than it later became, was not well-suited to Adams's forceful and energetic nature. Yet during his tenure, he played a more substantial role than most of his successors, casting 20 critical tie-breaking votes in the Senate. These votes often supported Washington's policies aimed at restoring American credit and securing the backing of the nation's wealthier citizens for the stability of the government. Many of these measures were opposed by emerging factions under Thomas Jefferson, who feared an overly powerful federal government.
As these debates intensified, the early seeds of the two-party system were planted. Adams naturally aligned with the Federalists, who believed in a strong centralized government, while Jefferson’s faction, soon known as Republicans, feared the concentration of power. Adams, in his writings, provoked controversy by using the term "the well-born" to describe a governing class. He was not advocating for an aristocracy based on birthright, but rather for leadership based on merit. He believed in equality before the law, but also recognized that people are not equal in talents or circumstances, and that capable individuals, regardless of background, should rise to positions of leadership. His belief in a governing class based on personal achievement, rather than inheritance, contrasted sharply with the more egalitarian vision of his political opponents.
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| US Passport for ministers plenipotentiary John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay for safe passage to negotiate treaties, 1783 |
John Adams differed from both Thomas Jefferson and his cousin, Samuel Adams, in his distrust of pure democracy, a sentiment shared by many Federalist leaders. This distrust eventually became a major weakness for the Federalist party. The philosophical divide between Adams and Jefferson first came to the forefront with the outbreak of the French Revolution. While Jefferson saw the French Revolution as an extension of the American fight for liberty, Adams was skeptical, believing it bore little resemblance to the American Revolution aside from being labeled a "revolution." He anticipated little good from the French upheaval and shared his views in his Discourses on Davila, a series of essays published in a Philadelphia newspaper.
Using Davila’s history of the 16th-century French civil wars as a backdrop, Adams argued that pure democracy was not the best form of government. He advocated for a balanced system that included aristocratic and monarchical elements, which he saw as necessary for the long-term preservation of free government. In Adams's view, the U.S. Constitution embodied this mixture, which he believed was its greatest strength and key to its stability. These ideas alienated the more radical democrats, who were strongly opposed to any suggestion of aristocracy or monarchy in government.
In the 1792 election, these differences came to the fore. Extreme democrats nominated George Clinton of New York as a rival candidate for vice president, hoping to unseat Adams. Despite this opposition, when the electoral votes were counted, Adams received 77 votes, Clinton 50, Jefferson 4, and Aaron Burr 1.
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National Collegiate Honor’s Council Partners in the Park Class of 2017 students at Federal Hall National Historic Park with Ranger holding the 1789 Acts of Congress opened to the 12 Amendment Joint Resolution of Congress issued September 25th, 1789. The only amendment in the "Bill of Rights" that was not ratified is Article the First, which is still pending before Congress. Cintly is holding an Arthur St. Clair signed Northwest Territory document, Imani is holding the First Bicameral Congressional Act establishing the U.S. Department of State and Rachael is holding a 1788 John Jay letter sent to the Governor of Connecticut, Samuel Huntington, transmitting a treaty with France. – For more information visit our National Park and NCHC Partners in the Park Class of 2017 website |
During Washington’s administration, John Adams, through his casting vote as vice president, thwarted a Republican attempt to preemptively undermine Jay's mission to England by passing a resolution that would have prohibited all trade with Britain. For a time, Adams set aside his jealousy of Washington, admiring the president's unwavering commitment to neutrality in the face of intense partisan pressure to drag the U.S. into conflict, either in support of France or England.
In 1796, with Washington declining a third term, Adams was the clear choice as the Federalist candidate for president. Though Alexander Hamilton and John Jay were potential rivals, Jay was unpopular due to the controversial treaty he had recently negotiated with Britain. Hamilton, despite being the most influential Federalist, was not as well-known or favored among Massachusetts voters. Adams, by contrast, had the backing of New England, which was critical to securing the election. To balance the ticket geographically, the Federalists selected Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina, the younger brother of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, as the vice-presidential candidate.
Nominee | John Adams | Thomas Jefferson |
Party | Federalist | Republican |
Home state | Massachusetts | Virginia |
Electoral vote | 71 | 68 |
States carried | 9 | 7 |
Popular vote | 35,726 | 31,115 |
Percentage | 53.40% | 46.60% |
Hamilton began scheming against John Adams in ways that reflected poorly on his character. He had always been jealous of Adams's independent nature, which made it impossible for him to be controlled. There wasn't room in one party for two such assertive personalities. As early as the 1788 election, Hamilton had attempted to reduce Adams's vote by advising some electors that a unanimous vote for both Adams and Washington could be risky, though Hamilton knew full well that Adams was unlikely to receive unanimous support.
In the 1796 election, Hamilton employed a similar tactic. While it was clear the Federalists were likely to win, the race was expected to be close. Hamilton urged Federalist electors, especially in New England, to cast all their votes for both Adams and Thomas Pinckney, the vice-presidential candidate, to avoid a split vote that could hand the presidency to Jefferson. However, Hamilton’s true goal was to have Pinckney outpoll Adams and become president, with Adams as vice president. Several Southern Federalists were expected to withhold their votes from Adams to boost Pinckney, assuming New England electors would vote equally for both.
This scheme, however, was suspected in New England. In response, 18 New England electors voted for Adams but withheld their votes from Pinckney, leading to an unexpected result. Adams won the presidency with 71 votes, while Jefferson, the Republican candidate, came in second with 68 votes, making him vice president. Pinckney received only 59 votes, and the remaining votes were scattered among other candidates. The result was a Federalist president with a Republican vice president, creating a precarious situation in which, if anything happened to Adams, leadership would pass to the opposition party.
This electoral process, fraught with intrigue and unpredictability, was clearly flawed and unsustainable. The episode sparked a bitter feud between Adams and Hamilton, ultimately contributing to the Federalist Party's downfall. The presidency of John Adams was turbulent, as the U.S. found itself caught between the great powers of England and France, both of whom insulted and harassed the young republic, expecting little retaliation.
The French revolutionary government claimed that under the U.S.-France treaty, America was obligated to support France, particularly in defending its West Indies from Britain. The Republicans sympathized with France and were willing to go so far as to accept these claims, which would have led to war with Britain. On the other hand, extreme Federalists, bitterly hating France, were inclined to support a war against her in favor of Britain. Like Washington, Adams maintained a policy of strict neutrality, despite intense partisan efforts to pull the U.S. into war.
During Washington’s administration, Gouverneur Morris had served as minister to France, but his unpopularity with the revolutionary government led Washington to replace him with James Monroe. Instead of smoothing over tensions, Monroe gave the French false hope that Jay's Treaty with Britain would not be ratified. Washington recalled Monroe, replacing him with Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. Angered by the treaty’s ratification, the French government gave Monroe a grand send-off and refused to receive Pinckney, even barring him from staying in Paris. They also enacted decrees discriminating against American commerce.
As soon as Adams took office, he convened an extra session of Congress to address the growing threat of war with France. A special commission—consisting of Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry—was sent to negotiate. However, the French Directory refused to acknowledge the commissioners, and Talleyrand, the French foreign minister, sent intermediaries to demand bribes for treating with the United States. When the American envoys rejected these corrupt demands, the French responded with harsher decrees against American commerce.
Marshall and Pinckney, frustrated by the failure of diplomacy, left Paris, while Gerry, being a Republican, remained, as Talleyrand hoped he might be more willing to negotiate.
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| The December 14th, 1792, official acknowledgement that Adams himself, a candidate for Vice President, has received a tally of Connecticut's votes in the second Presidential elections held under the Constitution of 1787: a vote which resulted in the re-election of Washington and Adams. Washington's popularity had diminished little since 1789: Adams, on the other hand, had alienated many of the Jeffersonians and there was a concerted behind-the-scenes campaign to replace him with George Clinton of New York. - Image courtesy of the Rebels With a Cause Collection. |
In March 1798, Mr. Adams informed Congress of the failed diplomatic mission and advised that preparations for a likely war should continue. This announcement sparked a heated debate, interrupted by a Federalist motion requesting the full dispatches from the president. Mr. Adams quickly complied, providing the documents with the names of Talleyrand’s agents replaced by the letters X, Y, and Z—leading to the famous "X.Y.Z. dispatches." On April 8, the Senate voted to publish these documents, causing widespread excitement in both Europe and America. The British government widely circulated the dispatches across Europe to inflame anti-French sentiment.
In the U.S., anger temporarily crippled the Republican Party, as the nation rallied behind the slogan, “Millions for defense, not one cent for tribute.” Several frigates were built, forming the basis of a small but successful navy, while an army was established with Washington as Lieutenant-General. Although Gerry, one of the envoys, was recalled from France and criticized for perceived weakness, he had acted honorably. During this period, "Hail, Columbia" gained popularity, and anti-French sentiment peaked with the burning of Talleyrand’s effigy on July 4.
Although war with France seemed imminent, it was never officially declared. However, in February 1799, Captain Truxtun captured the French frigate L'Insurgente, and in 1800, he defeated La Vengeance, which had superior armament. Meanwhile, France's leadership began reconsidering its stance, and Talleyrand, attempting to defuse tensions, disavowed the actions of X, Y, and Z. He reached out to Vans Murray, the American minister in The Hague, signaling an interest in reconciliation. Despite the Federalist Party’s anger, Adams, prioritizing neutrality and avoiding war, sent Murray’s nomination as minister to France to the Senate in February 1799. This bold move deepened the rift between Adams and his party.
Adams later appointed Ellsworth, Davie, and Murray as commissioners, who sailed to Paris in November after receiving assurances of proper reception, despite Talleyrand’s dismissive tone. Upon arrival, they found Napoleon in power as First Consul, and successfully negotiated a resolution to the conflict. This mission widened the Federalist Party’s internal divide, contributing to Adams’s eventual political downfall. Further tensions arose in 1800 when Adams dismissed his cabinet, deepening his break with Hamilton’s faction.
The Federalist Party also suffered due to the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, passed during heightened anti-French sentiment. The Alien Act allowed the president to banish non-citizens, with life imprisonment for those who returned. The Sedition Act penalized defamatory writings against the president or Congress, infringing on freedom of speech and press. These laws, the most controversial in Congress’s history, incited widespread outrage, leading to the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798-99, which asserted states’ rights to nullify unconstitutional federal laws.
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In the 1800 election, Federalist votes were cast for John Adams and Cotesworth Pinckney, while the Republicans supported Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. The final count revealed 65 votes for Adams, 64 for Pinckney, and 1 for John Jay, with Jefferson and Burr tied at 73 votes each. As a result, the election was decided in the House of Representatives.
Adams remained uninvolved in the political maneuvers that followed. His last major public act was appointing John Marshall as Chief Justice, a decision that proved to be immensely valuable for the nation. However, in a fit of anger, Adams left Washington before daybreak on March 4, 1801, and did not attend the inauguration of Jefferson, his successor. This act reflected Adams’s personal vanity, a trait that surfaced at various points in his career. Despite feeling disgraced by his loss, Adams never regretted his decision to pursue peace with France in 1799, which he believed to be the most honorable achievement of his life.
Adams spent the next 25 years in seclusion at his home in Quincy, Massachusetts, focusing on historical writing. In 1820, he briefly returned to public life as a delegate to a constitutional convention, advocating for the recognition of political and religious rights beyond Christianity. In his later years, Adams rekindled his friendship with Jefferson, and they maintained a meaningful correspondence.
Known for his sharp and lively writing style, Adams stood out among his contemporaries. He was a forceful, outspoken figure, often veering toward bluntness, but he bore no lasting grudges, and his anger was fleeting. Despite his occasional lack of tact, Adams was widely recognized as an honorable and upright public servant. He lived to see his son, John Quincy Adams, become president, and fittingly passed away on July 4, 1826—the 50th anniversary of American independence. His final words, "Thomas Jefferson still survives," proved ironic, as Jefferson had died just hours earlier.
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
September 5, 1774 | October 22, 1774 | |
October 22, 1774 | October 26, 1774 | |
May 20, 1775 | May 24, 1775 | |
May 25, 1775 | July 1, 1776 |
Continental Congress of the United States Presidents
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776 | October 29, 1777 | |
November 1, 1777 | December 9, 1778 | |
December 10, 1778 | September 28, 1779 | |
September 29, 1779 | February 28, 1781 |
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 | July 6, 1781 | |
July 10, 1781 | Declined Office | |
July 10, 1781 | November 4, 1781 | |
November 5, 1781 | November 3, 1782 | |
November 4, 1782 | November 2, 1783 | |
November 3, 1783 | June 3, 1784 | |
November 30, 1784 | November 22, 1785 | |
November 23, 1785 | June 5, 1786 | |
June 6, 1786 | February 1, 1787 | |
February 2, 1787 | January 21, 1788 | |
January 22, 1788 | January 21, 1789 |
(1789-1797) | (1933-1945) | |
(1865-1869) | ||
(1797-1801) | (1945-1953) | |
(1869-1877) | ||
(1801-1809) | (1953-1961) | |
(1877-1881) | ||
(1809-1817) | (1961-1963) | |
(1881 - 1881) | ||
(1817-1825) | (1963-1969) | |
(1881-1885) | ||
(1825-1829) | (1969-1974) | |
(1885-1889) | ||
(1829-1837) | (1973-1974) | |
(1889-1893) | ||
(1837-1841) | (1977-1981) | |
(1893-1897) | ||
(1841-1841) | (1981-1989) | |
(1897-1901) | ||
(1841-1845) | (1989-1993) | |
(1901-1909) | ||
(1845-1849) | (1993-2001) | |
(1909-1913) | ||
(1849-1850) | (2001-2009) | |
(1913-1921) | ||
(1850-1853) | (2009-2017) | |
(1921-1923) | ||
(1853-1857) | (20017-Present) | |
(1923-1929) | *Confederate States of America | |
(1857-1861) | ||
(1929-1933) | ||
(1861-1865) |
United Colonies Continental Congress | President | 18th Century Term | Age |
Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745-1783) | 09/05/74 – 10/22/74 | 29 | |
Mary Williams Middleton (1741- 1761) Deceased | Henry Middleton | 10/22–26/74 | n/a |
Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745–1783) | 05/20/ 75 - 05/24/75 | 30 | |
Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830) | 05/25/75 – 07/01/76 | 28 | |
United States Continental Congress | President | Term | Age |
Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830) | 07/02/76 – 10/29/77 | 29 | |
Eleanor Ball Laurens (1731- 1770) Deceased | Henry Laurens | 11/01/77 – 12/09/78 | n/a |
Sarah Livingston Jay (1756-1802) | 12/ 10/78 – 09/28/78 | 21 | |
Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794) | 09/29/79 – 02/28/81 | 41 | |
United States in Congress Assembled | President | Term | Age |
Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794) | 03/01/81 – 07/06/81 | 42 | |
Sarah Armitage McKean (1756-1820) | 07/10/81 – 11/04/81 | 25 | |
Jane Contee Hanson (1726-1812) | 11/05/81 - 11/03/82 | 55 | |
Hannah Stockton Boudinot (1736-1808) | 11/03/82 - 11/02/83 | 46 | |
Sarah Morris Mifflin (1747-1790) | 11/03/83 - 11/02/84 | 36 | |
Anne Gaskins Pinkard Lee (1738-1796) | 11/20/84 - 11/19/85 | 46 | |
Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830) | 11/23/85 – 06/06/86 | 38 | |
Rebecca Call Gorham (1744-1812) | 06/06/86 - 02/01/87 | 42 | |
Phoebe Bayard St. Clair (1743-1818) | 02/02/87 - 01/21/88 | 43 | |
Christina Stuart Griffin (1751-1807) | 01/22/88 - 01/29/89 | 36 |
Constitution of 1787 First Ladies | President | Term | Age |
April 30, 1789 – March 4, 1797 | 57 | ||
March 4, 1797 – March 4, 1801 | 52 | ||
Martha Wayles Jefferson Deceased | September 6, 1782 (Aged 33) | n/a | |
March 4, 1809 – March 4, 1817 | 40 | ||
March 4, 1817 – March 4, 1825 | 48 | ||
March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829 | 50 | ||
December 22, 1828 (aged 61) | n/a | ||
February 5, 1819 (aged 35) | n/a | ||
March 4, 1841 – April 4, 1841 | 65 | ||
April 4, 1841 – September 10, 1842 | 50 | ||
June 26, 1844 – March 4, 1845 | 23 | ||
March 4, 1845 – March 4, 1849 | 41 | ||
March 4, 1849 – July 9, 1850 | 60 | ||
July 9, 1850 – March 4, 1853 | 52 | ||
March 4, 1853 – March 4, 1857 | 46 | ||
n/a | n/a | ||
March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865 | 42 | ||
February 22, 1862 – May 10, 1865 | |||
April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869 | 54 | ||
March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1877 | 43 | ||
March 4, 1877 – March 4, 1881 | 45 | ||
March 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881 | 48 | ||
January 12, 1880 (Aged 43) | n/a | ||
June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889 | 21 | ||
March 4, 1889 – October 25, 1892 | 56 | ||
June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889 | 28 | ||
March 4, 1897 – September 14, 1901 | 49 | ||
September 14, 1901 – March 4, 1909 | 40 | ||
March 4, 1909 – March 4, 1913 | 47 | ||
March 4, 1913 – August 6, 1914 | 52 | ||
December 18, 1915 – March 4, 1921 | 43 | ||
March 4, 1921 – August 2, 1923 | 60 | ||
August 2, 1923 – March 4, 1929 | 44 | ||
March 4, 1929 – March 4, 1933 | 54 | ||
March 4, 1933 – April 12, 1945 | 48 | ||
April 12, 1945 – January 20, 1953 | 60 | ||
January 20, 1953 – January 20, 1961 | 56 | ||
January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963 | 31 | ||
November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969 | 50 | ||
January 20, 1969 – August 9, 1974 | 56 | ||
August 9, 1974 – January 20, 1977 | 56 | ||
January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981 | 49 | ||
January 20, 1981 – January 20, 1989 | 59 | ||
January 20, 1989 – January 20, 1993 | 63 | ||
January 20, 1993 – January 20, 2001 | 45 | ||
January 20, 2001 – January 20, 2009 | 54 | ||
January 20, 2009 to date | 45 |
Philadelphia | Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774 | |
Philadelphia | May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776 | |
Baltimore | Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777 | |
Philadelphia | March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777 | |
Lancaster | September 27, 1777 | |
York | Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778 | |
Philadelphia | July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783 | |
Princeton | June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783 | |
Annapolis | Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784 | |
Trenton | Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784 | |
New York City | Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788 | |
New York City | October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789 | |
New York City | March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790 | |
Philadelphia | Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800 | |
Washington DC | November 17,1800 to Present |
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The United States of America Continental Congress Presidents (1776-1781)
The United States of America in Congress Assembled Presidents (1781-1789)
The United States of America Presidents and Commanders-in-Chiefs (1789-Present)
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